For anyone concerned about where Australia’s foreign policy including AUKUS, is taking us, Clinton Fernandes’ book is essential reading.

We are indebted to Clinton Fernandes for his insights into the worldwide economic turbulence and political uncertainties created by the Trump administration. His book, _Turbulence:Australian foreign policy in the Trump era_, shows that underneath this chaos is a calculated agenda designed to achieve and maintain United States dominance economically and in the important areas of telecommunications, space, robotics, bioengineering, nanotechnologies and manufacturing – and that means full spectrum rivalry with China.

If economic control is not possible, then plan B is global economic separation from China. To achieve his goals, Trump’s attention is being directed at three front lines – Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Taiwan.

Fernandes demonstrates the true purpose of Australian Foreign policy in this turbulent Trump era. Put quite bluntly, he sees the primary purpose of such policies being a continuing subservient commitment to keeping Australia relevant to the United States.

Clinton Fernandes draws our attention to the New York Times’ description of Australia’s as the world’s most secretive democracy. He then helps pull the veil of secrecy aside to expose some concerning facts.

He explains the dangers of the nuclear fuel used by the nuclear-powered submarines to be obtained under AUKUS. The nuclear fuel used is highly enriched weapons grade uranium. Further, the design of the nuclear reactors is directly transferable to build nuclear weapons. “AUKUS”, says Fernandes, “means Australia will effectively possess a nuclear weapons capability" and so AUKUS “poses serious nuclear proliferation risks”.

He also alerts us to the support Australia is providing to the United States nuclear war-fighting ability: “Australia has committed A$4.7 billion to the generic US submarine industrial base covering their submarine program which produces nuclear armed submarines hence AUKUS funds will therefore be spent on building key components of the US nuclear strike force This fact has not been disclosed to the Australian public or parliament. It has also not been disclosed to the Australian public that if we do not receive the US nuclear submarines, there is no provision for a refund in the contract.”

In any case he draws attention to the enormous cost of eight nuclear submarines compared to more conventional air-independent submarines which he says would be very effective in territorial self defence, are a proven design used by Sweden, Japan and other countries, and are readily available. At a cost, and he quotes Senator Rex Patrick, of $30 billion for purchase of 20 of these submarines; only 8 per cent of the touted $375 billion to be spent on eight AUKUS nuclear submarines.

Fernandes explains the importance of Israel in ensuring that the US exercises control over Middle East oil. Both the US and Australia know that Israel possesses nuclear weapons. It is assessed as possessing around 90 nuclear warheads for delivery by aircraft, land-based ballistic missiles, and possibly sea-based cruise missiles. (But) foreign policy is a matter of priorities, and ensuring control of Middle-Eastern oil is a higher priority than a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East.

He continues: “Having invaded Iraq on the basis of Resolution 687, the United States and Australia have a special responsibility to pursue a nuclear-free zone in the Middle east. The absence of effective domestic constituencies means they are under no pressure to do so. (Further), Until they face significant domestic political challenge to their foreign policies, the United States and Australia can continue to ensure that Israel remains the sole nuclear-armed state in the Middle East, even as they sanction Iran”.

Fernandes puts a new light on the so-called Chinese interference with Australian naval and aircraft carrying out so-called “freedom of navigation” operations in the South China sea, saying they are military intelligence gathering exercises, preparing the battle-space to enable anti-submarine forces to attack enemy submarines at the start of hostilities, if ordered. He explains that Australia and the United States airdrop sonar buoys by the thousands. These sonobuoys collect the acoustic “fingerprints” of Chinese submarines to help identify them for hunt and destroy operations in a war scenario. Fernandes says: “This is no secret to the Chinese military but it is largely concealed from the Australian public who are told that the activities merely constitute “freedom of navigation”- a benign and reasonable-sounding term. The silence over what “freedom of navigation” really involves protects the government from democratic accountability, and from debate as to how Australia’s intelligence agencies and military should be used.”

Summing up, Clinton Fernandes says: “AUKUS is a contribution of people, territory, materials, money, diplomacy and ideology to the war-fighting capabilities of the United States. Deterrence does have a non-ideological, defensive meaning but in this case it is a euphemism for ‘dominance’. The Australian public may support these goals, but they have not been asked about them in any meaningful way, nor have they been told there are viable alternatives. Perhaps they haven’t been asked because their elected leaders fear the answer.”

For anyone concerned about where Australia’s foreign policy including AUKUS, is taking us in this Trump dominated era, Turbulence is an essential read.